Dubbed "Bill on Appropriate Action and
Interaction of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Implement the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action”, the motion authorizes the Rouhani
administration and governments to follow to pursue a prospective
regulation by the Supreme National Security Council to work in
reciprocal measures with the six powers.
The bill did not come by easy, however. It has been the subject of fierce dispute among Iranian sides.
In
general, different Iranian sides can be categorized into three groups
in reaction to the JCPOA. The first were those who asked for outright
rejection of the deal. These were the ones who had opposed to the very
nuclear negotiations from the very beginning. They went as far as to
threaten Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif with hanging and Atomic
Energy Organization of Iran Chief Aliakbar Salehi with "killing and
burying in cement” during a Monday session of the Majlis which passed an
outline of the bill.
The threats turned into hot headlines that day, but what was more interesting was that the one MP who had threatened Salehi had a stroke right after he left the session. But Salehi visited him in hospital the following day and wished him health.
The second group were those who demanded amendments to the JCPOA, saying that it contained both good points and bad points and stressing that the bad points needed to be lifted or moderated. But their view has one problem. The fact that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action cannot be modified by the participating sides, they can rather just accept or reject it.
The third group, who seem to have won the case, were the ones who said the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action needed to be implemented. They argued that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action has many good points and will turn the table much in favor of Iran, at least better than the time of sanctions. They also said that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action was the most that could be derived from the opposite sides. These also said that a deal is some agreement in which you give some privileges in order to gain some other, refuting the expectation by the previous two groups who demanded a full win in all points of the deal.
Article 1 of the motion forbids either the production or application of nuclear arms by the government based on a fatwa issued by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and obliges the administration to participate in international and regional efforts aimed at countering the threat of such weapons.
On a proposal forwarded by lawmaker Hossein Sobhannia, the government’s contribution to regional anti-nuclear arms efforts also enshrined its participation in efforts aimed at disarming Israel of its nuclear arms.
Article 2 stresses that mutual cooperation in the implementation of JCPOA must be respected.
With an emphasis on sanctions removal, Article 3 underscores the need for deterrence in the adoption of new sanctions against the Islamic Republic.
According to Article 4, projects in the field of nuclear development must be implemented in line with the commercialization and industrialization of Iran's nuclear activities in a 15-year period.
Article 6 of the bill prohibits the inspection of the Islamic Republic's military sites, unless it is conducted under supervision of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC).
Article 7 focuses on the need for strengthening the country’s defensive power. According to the Article, the Armed Forces must be strengthened in terms of offensive and defensive missile in Air Force, Army and Navy.
There is one big concern by Iranians, especially military and security officials who say that Iran’s missile power is likely to be limited especially by a resolution that that endorsed the 14 July agreement on Iran’s nuclear program, setting out a rigorous monitoring mechanism and timetable for implementation, while paving the way for the lifting of United Nations sanctions against that country.
A paragraph of UN Security Council Resolution 2231 reads:
Iran is called upon not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using such ballistic missile technology, until the date eight years after the JCPOA Adoption Day or until the date on which the IAEA submits a report confirming the Broader Conclusion, whichever is earlier.
But Tehran stresses that since its missile program is not aimed at any nuclear-related activity, it should not be hampered by the resolution.
Article 8 indicates lifting of sanctions on the first day of the implementation of the accord. It underlines that the government should take measures to inhibit adoption of any new sanctions against Iran.
Article 9 states that the assets released resulting from the implementation of JCPOA must be allocated to the resistance economy and prosperity of national production.
